Either we and our ideas or our enemies and theirs will dominate the globe NATIONAL SOCIALlSM Vanguard of the Future Selected writings of Colin Jordan NORDLAND FORLAG AALBORG, 1993


Whether meditating on the old, and what has been, or contemplating the future and what must come, one theme pervades all of Colin Jordan’s writing:

“What fulfils Nature; what benefits the race as a servant of Nature; what benefits National Socialism as a servant of the race, is good: what does not is bad. That which truly seeks and secures this good is right. That which does not is wrong. No other command to the contrary can be accepted by National Socialists. “

    Colin Jordan needs little or no introduction. Author and publisher of the occasional report, Gothic Ripples, book-dealer, and perhaps the greatest modern thinker and post-war NS ideologist, almost certainly in the United Kingdom; no man more so than Colin Jordan has adduced the prospective and lucidly relevant prerequisites for Aryan rebirth and renewal.     Whether in philosophical dissertations or theoretical supposition, the axiom of Colin Jordan’s burning convictions is that not only is the genesis of a New Order of Aryan humanity possible, but that it can be. Not ever through the ersatz panacea of a ballot box inefficacy which is so obvious that the adherence and pursuance of its restricted practices and procedures is dangerous, because it is compromise and the dereliction of essentials; but regeneration will only ever be begun with nothing other than naked struggle. The preparation for which. moulding the elite few who will bring down the old and precede the New, forms the majority of Colin Jordan’s most significant work to date, and the final chapter in this timely anthology, The National Socialist Vanguard.     The Danish publishers, Nordlag Forlag, with some justification, point out that this book’s distribution is likely to be outlawed in the United Kingdom; especially a book of the collected writings of one of the Establishment’s most unremittingly painful thorns in their ecumenical side.     It is not necessarily Colin Jordan’s articulate and emboldening graphic acclamation of the pre-eminent individual of this century, Adolf Hitler, which terrifies the Establishment and its swineherd, however although their correct assumption that a reborn and spiritually cleansed Aryandom will signify the end for them forever is warranted.     No, it is not that at all. At least, not on its own. By their own words and deeds they will provide the rope themselves that will eventually hang them.     The more they attempt to puncture the aura enveloping Adolf Hitler, outstripping all bounds of credibility, even to the true believing otiose souls they have thus far supervised so well, and persist in constraining us with something that we do not want, and call it “freedom”; they cannot win.     Whether or not the Aryan can out-survive them, as surely as we cannot live side by side with them in the meantime, however, is the dilemma that must be practicably resolved long, long before then.     Although the open championing of the most despised, most dreaded and maligned creed of all time by men such as Colin Jordan, and the acknowledgement of Adolf Hitler as the catalyst for Aryan salvation, sends them either into a delirious, foaming rage, or scuttling for refuge; it is not this, words alone, that the Establishment fears. They may certainly hate it but it is not enough to make them beg for forgiveness which would not be given – or compel them to seek the sanctuary of a people more forgiving.     Nor is the Establishment’s panic fully explicable despite their reaction to the agony that Colin Jordan’s fervent driving for the freedom of the martyr and murdered peaceseeker, Rudolph Hess, piled upon them; it is not this alone that so sent shivers of dread up the spine of every alien, the alien’s fawner, and comparable.     No. To the Establishment, who can stomach a few men who adhere to their rules but buckle under the first shadow of any System prodding, the idealism that bears witness in a man’s faith before the whole world, is the man who personifies the gravest danger to them. Practice, in Jordan’s case, is more potent propaganda than preaching.     When each day becomes dedicated to life on a higher plane, voiding the enemy’s intemperances, to them it spells death. It is the clarion call of the superior that had reborn Germany and can renew any who obey its demands. It is “a thunderous affirmation that, despite all they have said and done, for us Hitler was right” 1, which behooves us all when we have deeply comprehended that National Socialism is not merely a magnificent achievement of a time not so long ago, or a matter of some historical interest. But is an extant, breathing, dynamic will to survive and the framework for Higher Man to be born of this earth; the passion to see the beautiful replace the ugly, and the strong supplant the unsound; and is subsequently the entire actualisation of man’s true, explicit being.     It is the continuity of life’s purpose in that it is an orientation of the mind to elevate man, “life-wide in that it is not an aspect of fife, but the whole of life seen from one aspect” 2 Consequently, National Socialism is a revolution in thought towards a new awareness which has to take precedence over everything else. Ultimately it is “the pure development of our creed to the full, whereby it has the capacity to win the world, is a revolution which begins now in you with your comprehension and acceptance of it. ” 3     To its minimisers, National Socialism in principle appears as not something universal and ageless, but characteristic to Germany and particular to the 1930s. As we tumble towards the new century with contemporary problems to resolve and requiring a complete revaluation of current, wasted tactics, so is the demand of the creed of National Socialism to formulate productive countermeasures and to implement innovative strategies to win the hearts and minds of the Aryan peoples.     Colin Jordan’s clear grasp of the past and awareness of the immeasurable catastrophe that was the Second World War, and its aftermath for the defeated Aryan nations, even in victory, is firmly linked to a comprehensive appreciation of where trends manifest today are leading. To Colin Jordan, however, understanding of Aryan humanity’s severe plight is insufficient. It is not a mental exercise that we are engaged in with an enemy volitional to destroy any and every trace of the Aryan, his culture, ancestry, accomplishments, and which obstacles the quest for a higher consciousness, and a New Order for our people; to Colin Jordan “the principles of Otto Skorzeny” 4 must be applied to political warfare, to-wit, the battle for racial survival. Essentially, it is a call to action. This collection of essays, more especially the final chapter, The National Socialist Vanguard, is a footing for that action.     Perhaps the most contentious of Colin Jordan’s contemporaneous writing but dually the most significant, it is not expected, or wished, that every reader will agree. Nor can it be helped.     Building The Vanguard, that is, suffusing a dynamically revolutionary movement which can assume power, maintain it, and build a New Order insists on a new degree of loyalty additional to “an advanced degree of self-education in at least all of the basic knowledge of a mentally equipped elitist”.5 Not only does this mean an insight into the historical context of our struggle, the causes and symptoms of the Aryan slump into degeneracy and ethical decline and an ability to discriminate between cause and symptom, but also imperative is an understanding of the applicable law and police procedure and how to treat it; to identify in advance the enemy’s manoeuvres, and to understand the security precautions to counteract it. The vanguard must also have a thoroughly accurate handle on who the enemy is; what motivates the enemy; what smacks terror into the very core of the enemy; and the most productive way of punishing the enemy.     Essentially, what Colin Jordan has tagged the task force, must have a wholly comprehended grasp of exactly what the purpose is, and be totally guided by it’s long-term objective. If the end result is National Socialism, and no other impotent substitute, the end justifies whatever means are required. “These conditions specify a life and death struggle for those dedicated to the survival and advancement of Higher Man through a New Order of Aryandom. In such a struggle the prerequisite for effective action is a searching appraisal of ways and means. All practices and procedures must be subjected to an analysis of cost-effectiveness, and retained or rejected accordingly. “ 6     Despite the unmistakable verbalisation that the financial burden of the pointless party political parlour game is over, it is not solely the cleaning out of the pockets of those who can normally least afford it, that effects the dominant bearing on a future, cleansed Aryandom power claiming.     It is nothing less than absolute folly of the worst kind that squanders both time and valuable resources, while sucking up to the enemy by playing the System’s games; affecting the posture of “rebellious radicalism, albeit shackled with the mental fetters of Democracy’s notions of ‘respectability’ and ‘moderation ‘..” “the political party can do nothing other than present a feeble spectacle of the tail wagging the dog”.7 – while the situation for Whites worsens and worsens day by day.     The System must be destroyed; not buoyed up further by a party, however well-meaning, when the present order is floundering to keep its head above water. When the vanguard can anticipate its gasping for breath for the final time, and has premeditated itself competently, then the time is to place one foot on the head of the drowning man, and keep it there; not offer a helping hand. The reality of power-seeking means achieving it by whatever means are necessary, with or without “majority” sanction, which the purely party political congeries have not discerned. “The System is vulnerable throughout to disruptive attacks aimed at powerfully promoting its natural tendency to breakdown which alone is the situation in which an actua} seizure of power can take place. We have with ruthless logic to accept that only through a breakdown can there be a breakthrough for us. Accordingly, we have to concentrate on bringing it about in every possible way, consistent with the core of our ideology. ” 8     A truly elite National Socialist Movement, and not one that calls for a predestine guarantee of success now, ready to serve the moment and not the future, is one that has understood National Socialism in the first place. There are others, perhaps worse than those who have not understood the beginnings that Germany was, who have confined National Socialism to a mental museum whereby the Reich of the 1930s is the be all and end all of the racial Yolk state. National Socialism may “not have been for export” but to restrict the entire doctrine to one people, one nation, and one time is also a dismaying distortion of the true, life-wide nature of National Socialism.     A truly elite National Socialist Movement can be if only the pan-Aryanism of the Great Seers of our time is espoused in favour of the insular nationalism that has afflicted Aryans since the catastrophe of 1945. If we can not, or refuse to, adopt an all-inclusive pan-Aryanism then we ourselves may contribute to the next monstrous catastrophe; furthermore, we can contend no more than that we deserved it.     If the whole of the Aryan Folk is not served as one undivided whole, but instead we honour the idiocy-soaked vagary that geographical boundary is more meaningful than the life-blood itself of the whole Folk, an Aryan international racialism, we are no more than the traitors who have taken the pay of the enemy.     “Let the cry now go forth loud and clear that we National Socialists are not nationalists, not right-wing patriots, not conservative reformers, but revolutionary racialists summoning the white people’s of the world to unite for survival and supremacy! Only with a world creed as wide as the whole race, and as wide as the whole of life, can we match our world enemies and thus have the chance to attain full power, and in the world of tomorrow the only full power is world power. Only National Socialist world power will suffice. Either we and our ideas or our enemies and theirs will dominate the globe.” 9 There is no such thing as “contemporary National Socialism”; either it is National Socialism, and it is; or it isn’t, and it is not National Socialism. It is either victory or defeat.

All quotations from Vanguard Of The Future–Nordland Forlag, 1993. 1 Adolf Hitler: Man Against Time p.29 2 National Socialism: A Philosophical Appraisal p.71 3 National Socialism: World Creed For The Future p.101. 4 National Socialism: World Creed For The Future p.89 5 Building The Vanguard p.105 6 Party Time Has Ended: The Case For Politics Beyond The Party p.109 7 p.112 8 A Train Of Thought p .126 9 World Creed For The Future p.101 


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Smashing the Peace Stone

rudolf-hess-ripNovember 18, 1993 and onto a field at Floors Farm, Eaglesham, some 15 miles south of Glasgow, Scotland, came persons carrying leaflets, placards and paint. Their objective was an engraved, upright stone, placed there some months before by veteran National Socialist Tom Graham with the permission of the farmer, Craig Baird. It read: “This stone marks the spot where brave, heroic Rudolf Hess landed by parachute on the night of 10th May 1941 seeking to end the war between Britain and Germany.” It marked the spot where half a century earlier another and much different visitor had arrived, descending by parachute at night. Whereas his purpose had been benevolent in its bravery, theirs was malevolent in its banality, pursued while the farmer was away at the cattle market.

Followed, as prearranged, by a television crew, the hate-filled vandals of 1993 proceeded to daub the memorial with paint and then plaster it with leaflets. After a pause for media attention to their handiwork, they came to their climax as shown on Scottish Television’s news programme the same evening. Their Asian leader, Anwar Aamer, West of Scotland organizer of the Anti-Nazi League (ANL), a communist front organization devoted to violence, took up a sledge hammer and proceeded to smash to pieces the memorial to the visitor of 1941. The next day the Scottish Daily Record published on its page 7 a photograph of this “hero of the hammer” in his act of destruction.

Despite this irrefutable evidence of criminal responsibility, Tories, Reds and other sections of the Old Order immediately closed ranks to protect Anwar and his accomplices, and mendaciously to defame the man who those five decades ago flew alone across the wartime sky to try and stop the brothers’ war between Britain and Germany. Lured by the stratagems of the British Secret Service, serving a regime intent, not on peace, but on exploiting him in the war of revenge against his country. Rudolf Hess was then subjugated to 46 years behind bars before finally being done to death in a fake “suicide” plot in Spandau Prison, Berlin in 1987 to silence him forever from disclosing the truth behind his arrival at Floors Farm.

Back in 1941 Churchill allied himself with Stalin, the biggest butcher of all time, in preference to peace. Now, in 1993, the British authorities allied themselves with Stalin’s heirs of the ANL in rejection of justice. When the local police at Giffnock sent their report of the criminal damage to private property on private ground to the Procurator Fiscal in Paisley, as the prosecuting official of that area of Scotland, he passed the item onto the Crown Office in Edinburgh for decision. This is the department of the chief law officer for Scotland, the Lord Advocate, to whom Procurators Fiscal are accountable, and whose sanction is necessary for a criminal prosecution by the state in the High Court on indictment. The Crown Office refused this sanction, and this decision also then meant that the local Procurator Fiscal would neither institute summary criminal proceedings himself in the local Sheriff Court, or give his necessary sanction for a private criminal prosecution.

Thereupon an approach was made to the Crown Office for the Lord Advocate’s requisite sanction for a private criminal prosecution, but this was refused by him also. While in theory one can apply to the High Court of Justiciary in Edinburgh against the Lord Advocate’s refusal, in practice that court can be deemed virtually certain to endorse the Lord Advocate’s decision, and in Scotland, unlike England, there is no final avenue of appeal to the House of Lords in criminal cases.

Neither the Prosecutor Fiscal nor the Lord Advocates can present a civil action for damages, but among the impediments to this alternative course of redress was the fact that the local authority, Eastwood District Council, had hastened to declare the memorial to be illicit, as lacking the needed planning commission permission, and to demand its removal. There is also the fact that, while such proceedings could certainly be costly for the Plaintiff, who would be Tom Graham, Anwar Aamer the Defendant, would equally certainly, as a “student,” purport to be without means if the case did go against him, so that no recompense would be forthcoming.

The play of pressures within Eastwood District Council — whose area one journalist had the temerity to describe as “the Jewish capital of Scotland” — was indicated by the pronouncements to the press of its Chief Executive Michael Henry. “We are appalled by the sentiments which the wording of the stone conveys,” he said, to which he added that, if an application had been made for planning permission, “I am sure the Council would have found reason to refuse it.” This local authority not long afterwards, not surprisingly, provided a public reception for a visiting contingent from the Jewish Board of Deputies in London in association with the Glasgow Jewish Representative Council.

When called on to cite the precise section of law relied on in declaring that the small memorial out of public view in a back field was subject to planning permission, Chief Executive Henry refrained from doing so. Consequently a complaint was made to the Provost of the Council, who turned out to be one Leslie Rosin, who in turn simply and blandly endorsed the conduct of friend Henry. When a complaint was therefore laid before the Commissioner for Local Administration in Scotland (Ombudsman) against both Henry and Rosin, this only brought the response that “the Commissioner does not consider that there are grounds for him to be involved.”

Separately approached, the Scottish Office in Edinburgh claimed that Section 19 of the Town and Country Planning (Scotland) Act 1972 applies to such a memorial, precluding its erection without permission.

Thus, both left and right of the Old Order of national and racial ruin join forces in fear and fury at a mere stone bearing witness to the heroic arrival of Ambassador of Peace Rudolf Hess. The same fear prompted the demolition of Spandau Prison immediately after his murder in order to prevent its stones becoming a memorial to his monstrous martyrdom.

Yet in London today stones of memory of another kind, redolent of the foul forces underlying the brothers’ war which Rudolf Hess strove to stop, remain in tact and protected. We have in the centre of the city the memorial to war criminal bomber Harris, mass murderer of hundreds of thousands of German civilians, and in Highgate Cemetery the memorial to Karl Marx, the spiritual father of both yesterday’s Stalin and today’s ANL.

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Justice & Liberty interview

COLIN JORDAN An example for many peopIe!

An interview with the Portuguese magazine ‘Justica & Liberdade’ (Justice & Freedom)

Whether or not you support the National Socialist ideology that Colin Jordan defends, the fact is that no-one can stay indifferent to the courage and will of this man, a man who has fought tirelessly for many years for what he believes in.

Not even the arrests and attacks, his advanced age or the fact that he has some physical limitations has made him regret the actions taken by him in the past. These have made Colin Jordan an example to follow for many National Socialists and others around the world.

It is interesting to remember that several people from the left and many Jews describe Jordan as the biggest authority on National Socialism alive today in Britain. That’s another reason for our readers to carefully read this interview and to discover what the true ideals of this genuine and well known British National Socialist, who was born in Birmingham in 1923, are. 

At a time when it is rare for him to give interviews, Mr Jordan decided to answer some of our questions. So, without the usual deturpation and censorship that the media of today have made us grow accustomed to when they deal with National Socialists, you have this interview.

J&L: When and why did your interest in politics begin? Colin Jordan: My political interest emerged during the war from my reading, becoming active in form in 1942, when I joined a nationalist party. That interest had developed out of a love for the countryside and a zeal for life in accord with Nature. At the end of the war I came in contact with Arnold Leese, Britain’s pioneer of National-Socialism, who had a very powerful influence on the development of my views to the point of distinct National-Socialism.

J&L: Since you’re NS, how did you regard the Second World War that brought conflict between your Country and Germany? Colin Jordan: By 1944 I had come to favour a negotiated peace between Britain and Germany, seeing at least partially by then the attractive features of National-Socialist Germany, and deploring the fratricidal conflict contrary to Britain’s true interests.

J&L: Is it true that there were many British political prisoners in England both during and after the War? Colin Jordan: In 1940 around a thousand active members of the British Union of Fascists led by Sir Oswald Mosley and the Imperial Fascist League of Arnold Leese, along with other opponents of the war, were intemed without trial under wartime Regulation 18B. WIlliam Joyce and John Amery were executed for “treason” held to have been committed by them in broadcasting on the German radio, and, in Amery’s case, trying to recruit British prisoners-of-war for the German-sponsored British Free Corps.

J&L: How old were you when Rudolf Hess, during the II War, went to Scotland trying to bring peace between the two Countries? How do you remember that period? Colin Jordan: I was 17 and still at school when my father came into my bedroom one morning in 1941 with news from the radio of Rudolf Hess’s arrival in Britain in the cause of peace. My parents and I hoped his mission would be successful, and we were subsequently disgusted at his conviction at Nuremberg and imprisonment for life. I started campaigning for Hess’s release in 1960 with a poster calling in a number of languages for his release. In 1963 on the day on which I was released from my first imprisonment I went immediately to the Foreign Office in London to deliver a written demand for the release of Rudolf Hess. Over the subsequent years till Hess’s murder, probably by the British SAS, I continually produced literature calling for his release, and repeatedly sent letters to the Foreign Office urging this.

J&L: In 1993 a stone was erected in Scotland to honour that “messenger of peace”, right? Can you tell us who build it and what happened later? Colin Jordan: The Hess memorial stone was the idea of veteran National-Socialist Tom Graham who financed it, negotiated the landowner’s permission for its erection, and who, despite being a great age, personally erected it with the help of another supporter on the exact spot where Hess landed in 1941. It was attacked and destroyed by the organiser (an Asian) of the local Anti-Nazi League, helped by other members of this vicious communistic organisation. When the police failed to prosecute these people, I pursued long and persistent efforts to persuade the Scottish legal authorities to prosecute, but they refused both to do so publicly and to allow me to do so privately.

J&L: One of the organizations that you founded was the “National Socialist Movement” on the 20th April 1962. Tell us a little about the activity held in July! Colin Jordan: WIthin 3 months of the foundation of the National Socialist Movement we managed to secure the necessary permission to hold an open-air meeting in central London’s Trafalgar Square in July 1962. Police estimated the audience at 5.000. A huge placard on the platform proclaimed “Free Britain from Jewish Control”. A large body of Jews and Communists stationed themselves at the very front of the crowd before the meeting began, and, when it began, hurled missiles and attempted to break through the police cordon. Repeatedly the police required the speeches to be halted while they strove to regain control. Finally, within 5 minutes of the end of the final speech, when I was telling the crowd that “Hitler was Right”, the police had to close the meeting because of the furious reaction of the Jews and communists to my words. Massive UK and intemational publicity resulted, every London daily newspaper featuring it frontpage. It was undoubtedly the biggest and most publicized anti-jewish public meeting in British history. Two of the speakers, John Tyndall (then my second-in-command and now head of the British National Party) and myself, were afterwards prosecuted for our speeches. John Tyndall was fined and I was given a months’s imprisonment, this taking effect while I was shortly afterwards serving 9 months imprisonment for the-organisation of the Spearhead, the N.S.M. defence corps.

J&L: Was there such a big Jewish influence? And now? Colin Jordan: Then and now Jews have a dominant influence in Britain, and that influence works in a multitude of ways against the true interests multiracial world order. Top Jews include such as the Home Secretary Michael Howard and the Foreign Secretary Malcolm Rifkind in the government of John Major who is married to a Jewess. They include moguls of the media such as newspapers and television owner Rupert Murdoch, the British Broadcasting Corporation’s Director of Programmes Alan Yentob, Channel 4 television chief Michael Grade, Grenada television chairman Alex Bernstein, and Carlton broadcasting boss Michael Green. They include supermarket owners such as the Cohen family (Tesco supermarket) and the Sainsbury family (Sainsbury supermarket), and property emperors such as the owners of Benzion Freshwater and Chelsfield and the 400 companies of the Berger family. They include the controllers of commerce ranging from Betterware (household equipment), Reebok (footwear), Tabatznik (pharmaceuti cals) and Dixons (electrical goods) to the Marks & Spencer clothing and food chain, the giant department stores of the David Lewis family, and the huge mail-order firm Great Universal Stores founded by Isaac Wolfson. They include bankers such as Lord Rothschild and financial speculators like George Soros.

S&L: What did you mean in the meeting when you said Hitler was right? Colin Jordan: In proclaiming “Hitler was Right” I believe I was right in making race the basis of politics and in perceiving that democracy is death; right in standing for the unity of the folk community above class division, and in opposing race mixture and advocating race betterment (eugenics); right in fighting Communism; right in overthrowing the restrictive shackles of International Finance; right in treating agriculture as of basic importance for the nation and thus in assuring security and welfare to the peasantry; and right in effectively caring for the health and social welfare and economic justice of the people. There is no reliable evidence whatsoever that 6 million Jews were exterminated on Hitler’s orders or with his knowledge, or that millions of Jews were gassed by Nazis; and the huge number of “survivors” testifies to this. Further indicative of this is the fact that not only has any proper objective examination of the propaganda been evaded, but the most intensive efforts have been and are being made to prevent free discussion of the subject. It has been possible to lie to the world for 50 years because of Jewish power over the world media and the subservience of the politicians of democracy to that power, and the zeal of the Jews in propagating what they regard as a master method to deter people from any critical appraisal of the Jews, and so to prevent any revival of the Aryan liberation force which is NationalSocialism.

J&L: Since people can only relate Hitler with. death and destruction, tell us what were the best things he did. Colin Jordan: The best things Hitler did were to end mass unemployment and the malnutrition of the masses; to safeguard the German peasantry; to bring the Nation together in pride and zeal for service to it through the magnificient Hitler Youth and Labour Service; to combat decadent art and music; and to rebuild the German military capacity for self-defence while introducing unique measures of social and economic reform.

J&L: In your opinion, what are the main differences between Fascism and National Socialism? Colin Jordan: Fascism is an ideology of the supremacy of the state, set above race. National-Socialism is an ideology of the supremacy of the race. Fascism is thus narrowly nationalistic whereas National-Socialism, because of its racial basis, has a global application. . Fascism goes hand-in-hand with Christianity whereas National-Socialism, because of its racial content, is essentially anti-Christian.

J&L: In 1967 you were arrested again. What was the motive? Colin Jordan: In 1967, in the first sustained conviction under the new “racial hatred” law, I was honoured by being given, as my second period in gaol, 18 months imprisonment for 2 items of literature, one a pamphlet entitled “The Coloured Invasion”, the other a leaflet with an illustration of a Jew cracking a whip over the grovelling figures of representatives of the old parties. In my gaol experience the worst things were not the living conditions but the separation from friends and family, and the limitation of one’s use of time, although prison does give one ample time to read and to think.

J&L:  Were there any Nationalist activities to expose your situation? Colin Jordan: Both times I was imprisoned, there were efforts both in this Country and abroad on my behalf. Such signs of solidarity, including letters from supporters, are very important indeed to a political prisoner in sustaining his morale.

S&L: Still about those pamphlets, how really big was the problem of the non-white immigration? Colin Jordan: At the time of my second imprisonment (1967) the consequences of the Coloured Invasion of Britain were already very severe. Now, the situation in all cities and towns of size are appalling. Some schools in inner London and in other places also, like Wolverhampton and Leeds, Liverpool and Birmingham, do indeed now have only a tiny minority of White children. In such schools they place increasing emphasis on Coloured customs and religions and on all ways of elevating Coloured people in comparison to Whites; this by multiracialist teachers of Leftist outlook, concerned to stiffle natural feelings of White racial identity and pride. There will either be a successful revolt by our people during the next few decades or they will certainly become a downtrodden and degraded minority in what was once their Country.

S&L: Few years ago you wrote a book called “Merrie England 2000” which caused many repression, right? Colin Jordan: When my book “Merrie England 2000” was published, the press reported that the Jewish community was demanding action to ban it. However, this came shortly after my successful action in High Court causing the abandonment of a new prosecution against me for possessing for distribution various other literature, and the authorities evidently felt that a renewed prosecution then would put them in a bad light as appearing to retaliate for my victory. So nothing has been done against the book so far, and it is available from me direct at one Pound plus another Pound for postage outside the U.K.

S&L: So what was the book about? Colin Jordan: “Merrie England 2.000” foreshadows the state of England in a few years at the end of the present century going on present trends. My first book was “Fraudulent Conversion” on the Jewishness of Communist leadership worldwive, published in 1955 and now out-of print. A pamphlet of mine called “A Train of Thought”, published some years ago, is still available from me at 0.25 Pound plus 0.30 Pound for postage outside the UK. A collection of my writings, including that pamphlet, was published in Denmark in 1993, entitled “National Socialism: Vanguard of the Future”, and is still available from me at 5 Pounds plus one Pound more for postage outside the UK.

J&L: Lately you often say in your publications that “Freedom is in Peril, today as never before”. Is this really so? Colin Jordan: Yes, I have personally experienced in recent years the extent to which “Freedom is in Peril” in Britain today; this in the failed attempt to prosecute me in 1991 at the instigation of the Jewish Member of Partiament Gerald Kaufman. The Criminal Justice & Public Order Act 1994 incorporates revised and extended action against either the distribution or the possession for distribution of literature which is held to be “insulting” or “threatening” or “abusive” to a racial element in the population of this Country, and held to be intended to or likely to cause racial hatred against that racial element. This is the furthest extent of the law at present, but Jews and their supporters are agitating for further extensions all the time, and quite likely such extensions will be made before long, particularly if the Labour Party is elected at the next General Election. Under existing law truth is not accepted as exoneration: this was made clear in the judge’s concluding summary in my 1967 trial.

S&L: Many people after spending 5, 10 or 20 years of their lives fighting for something they believe in, they stop working and say or that they’ve done many things already, let others do it now, or that it will be almost impossible to win. Why haven’t you done the same? Colin Jordan: For the real National Socialist (which I hope I measure up to) the struggle is the great purpose of life. Even if it could be proved beyond the slightest doubt that we will not succeed and are doomed to failure, it would still be a necessity of life for the real National Socialist to fight for the cause to the utmost, and to inflict as such punishment as possible on the enemy.

J&L: Plans for the future? Colin Jordan: My plans for the future are, because of my age and disabling arthritis, limited to my writings which I aim to continue as long as my life and my capacity allows.  

WEBMASTER: This article is taken from an English translation of the original text which was in Portuguese. The translation was made by the Portuguese editor of Justica & Liberdade and added to copies of the magazine distributed outside Portugal. Mr Jordan’s answers are exactly as he wrote them but some corrections have been made to the spelling and grammar in the questions themselves

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PARTY TIME HAS ENDED The Case for Politics beyond the Party by Colin Jordan


WE live in the twilight days of a doomed age. Enveloping us is a sick society, condemned to death in the cosmic cycle of transformation by its inherent inability to overcome its strains and stresses: an old order now exhibiting a myriad manifestations of its advancing disintegration. Yet its final demise may be long delayed, and meanwhile its committed adherents tighten their hold on power, exercised through the veiled force of censorship and indoctrination, the denial of facilities to opponents, and an increasing resort to coercion and suppression. These conditions specify a life and death struggle for those dedicated to the survival and advancement of Higher Man through a New Order or Aryandom. In such a struggle the prerequisite for effective action is a searching appraisal of ways and means. All practices and procedures must be subjected to an analysis of cost-effectiveness, and retained or rejected accordingly. Against that back-cloth, this article is concerned to show that the day of the political party is over. Its appeal to the masses with leaflets at large, its marches round and round the houses, and all the rest of its routine designed to woo and win the majority vote of the population at an election is hopelessly unproductive. The political party, whatever its content, and even where nominally anti-democratic, is the organisational product of the mass society called “Democracy”, meaning a society which purports to respond to and provide for the Common Man. It was preceded by the overt and avowed rule of minorities, and Democracy is no less subject to minorities than any other experienced or conjectured society, its only distinction in this respect being that of the modus operandi of its minorities. It is except when mortally menaced, and thus brought to a departure from normal form – mainly manipulative and masked, as opposed to being mainly and blatantly coercive. This dominance of minorities is to be expected as a fact of life. The rule of the public, apart from minute units of administration, has never existed, and never can and never will exist. Civilization, its management and its finer fruits, has always come not from the Common but the Uncommon Man. To say so in no way detracts from the argument for the just apportionment of its material benefits to the former, however lowly in ability and effort and consequent due. By the term “‘the masses”, as here used, is meant not a material but a mental class, regardless of monetary means, made up of the entirety of sheepish citizenry in its conformity to the status quo ordained and blessed by the media of Democracy.
DEMOCRACY’S CONTROL BOX The political party came into use in the early days of the development of the mass society, consequent on the increase in communication among the people at large, and the increase in the uniformity of their lives, both resulting from the Industrial Revolution, and this long before the advent of the most modem and most powerful means of moulding the minds of the masses: television. With television today the ruling minorities of Democracy have an instrument of mind control in the centre of virtually every home in the land, ensuring that millions upon millions of beguiled boobs of the cathode-ray tube think the “democratic” way, and thus come to vote for the” democratic” options. The total content of the television box today decides the total result of the ballot box tomorrow. The party game is thus firmly under the power of the enemy of national and racial resurgence, and indulgence in it by those excluded from television, along with the rest of the mass media, is a waste of time. Even Hitler- who came to power just before his opponents gained this weapon – could not today succeed against and without the magic box. Short of acquiring it for ourselves, or destroying it for the others, there is only one way its all pervasive, hypnotic, malignant influence can be overcome, and that is through a thorough breakdown in society sufficiently painful to prod the people out of their coma of enslavement. Created for and concerned with the masses, the Nationalist of National Socialist party inevitably becomes crippled and corrupted by the exactions of the involvement. In the delusive pursuit of numbers as the measure of strength, it commits two errors of cardinal severity which guarantee weakness. Firstly, in its desire to attract the Common Man in quantity, it has to set its requirements of membership at a sufficiently low level, so as to offer him the gratification of identification with a supposedly lofty cause on the basis of little, if anything, more than some paltry payment. Having brought him into the fold, instead of just taking the collecting box to him on the outside, and with his contribution clearly proving insufficient to enable desirable progress, there follows a constant striving to try and coax him into doing more, which is the folly of trying to make a political activist out of a being whose nature prohibits it. Thus the role of the political party runs counter to that iron law of humanity which decrees that political activists are and always will be a tiny minority, most productive on their own, and that the rest of mankind is and always will be of the nature of political bystanders. In consequence, while necessarily starting out as a nucleus of political activists, the party soon ends up dissipating the capacity of its activists because of their attachment to the others. Because of this attachment an endless effort ensues to try and keep the recruited men of the masses content with their membership. Activities to this precise end have to be arranged all over the country, costly in time and money, including all the travelling back and forth by all concerned, primarily of benefit to the petrol companies, the coach companies, and British Railways. Beyond this, to a considerable extent the party tends to degenerate into as much a party of fun and games as anything else, greatly occupied with the posturing and pretending, the babbling and boozing of the bulk of its members.
PITFALLS OF THE PARTY GAME The second great error of the party is to set its bounds of belief so wide in pursuit of numbers that it achieves thereby not a greater strength but a lesser one through the disunity this spells. The amalgamation of numbers without a fusion of minds is but a congregation of bodies doomed to discord and disruption, because it is only the semblance and not the substance of unity, which always depends on a clear predominance of common belief. With its arms thrown open too widely in welcome, the party, in the width of its policy, takes in differences too large to digest. Along with the positive protagonists of ideological disagreement, it attracts a swamping influx of little people – little in the limitations of their mind, vision and spirit saturated with all the superficial perceptions and shallow sentiments of Democracy; people who fancy a spare-time hobby of rebellious radicalism, albeit shackled with the mental fetters of Democracy’s notions of “respectability” and “moderation”, and thus incapable of dangling more than a couple of toes in the cauldron of revolutionary thought and action. With the fatal combination of low requirements of membership and wide bounds of policy, the political party cannot do other than present a feeble spectacle of the tail wagging the dog. Any complete computation of the cost-effectiveness of this party game, namely what is actually gained from all the relatively inactive but disproportionately vociferous recruits in this forlorn hunt for mass membership, in return for all the constant effort to contain them, condemns the practice completely. It is said that every little bit helps. So it does, providing and only providing it does not cost as much or more to obtain than it is worth; and providing it is recognized that little bits will never bring victory in a mighty struggle, even when much multiplied. Otherwise, we commit the folly of subscribing to the egalitarian vanity that little is lovely. To do so is to create a slough of frustration wherein the active few are nullified and discouraged by having to carry on their back the burden of the relatively inactive many all around them. The issue here is not for one moment that the little bits of help from the public at large should be scorned and disregarded, but that they can and should be gathered on the outside by the political activists, segregated as a task force; and do not need to be and should not therefore be sought through common membership of one and the same organization as happens with a political party.
BALLOT BOX FUTILITY The very raison d’etre of a political party is to appeal sufficiently to the masses so as to obtain sufficient votes in elections as to attain state power, and thus to form a government of the country. Nationalist parties have been operating for decades to this end, and yet have failed to obtain or even come near to obtaining a single seat in Parliament, let alone a necessary majority in Parliament, meaning hundreds of seats. While during those decades the plight of our race and nation has worsened and worsened, such parties have come no nearer success. Some seek to account for this obvious failure to become sufficiently known and acceptable to the masses as a failure to trim policy sufficiently for this political market, including a failure to avoid the stigma of “nazi” and “extremist”. Their remedy is to convert themselves that much more to the masses, instead of seeking to convert the masses to them, thus seeking to compete with the established parties on their own ground by coming closer to them, while still lacking all the advantages of infrastructure which those orthodox parties possess. Such people, priding themselves on their astuteness, perpetrate the absurdity of abandoning the capacity to reform in pursuit of the opportunity to reform. In deep privacy and with a crafty wink, some will confide that their contortions are only window-dressing, and that when in power they will show their true colours. Their true colours, apparent enough already, amount to constitutional weakness. Such are the workings of such frailty that, giving way to it now, come the pay-off they would never have the strength to transcend it. The smears they fear and vainly attempt to distance themselves from are but the concomitant of all adequate proposals for national and racial resurgence, avoidable only by a shameful procedure of self-sterilization.
Others of sterner stuff concede that electoral success is out of reach, but argue that electioneering is nevertheless justified for the sake of the resulting publicity and recruitment. However, to prove their point they need to show, and fail to show, that the gain in whatever quantity and quality of support resulting from such electioneering at least equals, if not exceeds, the gain to be achieved through an equal expenditure of time and money in other ways. One thing such electioneering certainly does not achieve is that manifestation which more than that of intellect and ideals moves the masses – the manifestation of strength – for it almost always results in a miserable manifestation of weakness. Our misrulers, secure in their mastery of the media and thereby the minds of the electorate, are comparatively content – if they cannot dispel or deter all resistance – to let Democracy’s dissidents expend themselves in the attrition of the party game they have devised and dominate. They are confident that, if by some fluke, these non-conformists did happen to become a real threat, they could increase the array of existing impediments to the extent of a ban in all but name. Democracy’s deceit is all the time to proclaim to its spellbound public the prevalence of freedom, while preventing its exercise by a combination of contrivances. In this conspiracy of suppression the current revision of the Public Order Act is intended to turn the screw that much tighter on any Nationalist or National Socialist party as almost to paralyse it. Even if a veritable miracle happened, and such a party did gain a majority of votes, can you believe that Democracy’s masters, faced with elimination, would accept the verdict of the ballot box, and meekly hand over control? A naked struggle would still ensue. It is thus not some option for us, but an ultimate necessity in any eventuality.

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Jack Straw Leaflet

The below leaflet was produced by Britain’s leading Race Dissident Colin Jordan. We have reproduced the leaflet to show how ZOG will go to any lengths to silence opposition to their sick and evil regime. Click  here  for more details of the vicious campaign by the government against this 78-year-old campaigner.



The persecution of British patriots by Jack Straw, the Jewish Home Secretary, pictured here.

Prime Minister Blair, facade for Jewish backers and devoted to Israel’s interests, has installed Jewish Jack Straw as Home Secretary or virtual commissar of what amounts to creeping communism whereby Coloured immigration and Coloured colonisation, leading to eventual Colouredpredominance, is forced on Britons by a law which robs them of their freedom of speech, so as to stop them resisting the robbery of homeland and heritage. This law is the Public Order Act 1986, Part III, which makes it punishable as “racial hatred” to speak out freely against the Coloured Invasion of Britain and the Jewish ascendancy in Britain’s politics, media, law, industry and commerce.

Under this illegitimate law – illegitimate because in violation of the supreme commandment of racial and national survival – Straw is bringing the police into disrepute by putting them to his political purpose against patriotic opponents. His thereby “bent” THOUGHT POLICE are kept busy breaking into the homes of such upholders of Britain for the British as Colin Jordan to find the means to prosecute and fine or gaol them, while muggers and murderers and ordinary house breakers (distinct from the licensed burglars in blue) get away with it, the police pleading that they lack resources.

With his campaign of suppression, Straw has turned the Crown Prosecution Service into a Crown PERSECUTION Service. Just now he has ordered a big drive to recruit a large number of Coloured coppers to help control our White folk. His family came over here from foreign parts beseeching refuge. Now, he and his kind are eagerly engaged in persecuting us with a foreign tyranny.


An Englishman’s home was once his castle, but not any longer under the home-invading Home Office of this enemy of British Freedom. Stand up and fight back! Identify Straw as one of Britain’s worst criminals for his harm to our heritage, deserving trial for treason!



Overleaf, we have the Jewish Home Secretary, Jack Straw, vigorous, ruthless and zealous in his enforcement of his Public Order Act, Part III, to penalise the racial patriotism of Britons in order to force Coloured immigration and Jewish ascendancy on them with the effect of depriving them of ownership and control of their homeland and their traditional freedom of expression. Here, on this side, we see him operating no such law for his own kind, and instead granting them immunity from prosecution.

Below in the cut-out coupon we present two shining examples of Jewish racial hatred which are about as insulting and conducive to racial hatred, and expressive of it, as anything you can imagine. These two passages occur in their supremely venerated “Talmud”, the paramount book of guidance and inspiration for Jews, stocked and distributed today by Jewish book-sellers. There, as you see, we non-Jews are viciously insulted with the allegation that we indulge in sexual intercourse with animals and prefer it. This is the sort of racial defamation, abounding in ‘The Talmud”, in which Straw and the other Jews surrounding Blair – such as his mentor, the millenium- dome-man Mandelson, have been brought up in as their ancestral ethos.

While Straw, commissar of the THOUGHT-POLICE, sends his politically “bent” policemen – as renegades drawing dirty money for their dirty work – to invade and ransack the homes of campaigners for a Britain for the British such as Colin Jordan, he does nothing about “The Talmud”, sanctioning Jewish racial hatred by his persistent inaction. Do not let this despotic deceiver get away with it!

Complete the coupon of complaint below and send it off today.

cut_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _  _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ cut


To:- The Director of Public Prosecutions, 50 Ludgate Hill, London, EC4M 7EX

I here lay complaint concerning passages insulting to non-Jews and likely to cause racial hatred contained in the book, “The Hebrew-English Edition of the Babylonian Talmud” published and distributed, contrary to the Public Order Act 1986, Part III, Section 19 (1), and possessed for distribution, contrary to Section 23 (1) by the Soncino Press Ltd, 20 Cambridge Terrace, Gates- head, NE8 1RP.

I cite in particular in the tractate entitled “Abodah Zarah” 22a:- “One should not place cattle in heathens’ inns, because they are suspected of immoral practice with them. And also 22b:- “Why then should we not leave female animals alone with female heathens? – Said Mar ‘Ukba b. Hama: Because heathens frequent their neighbours’ wives, and should one by chance not find her in, and find the cattle there, he might use it immorally. You may also say that even if he should find her in he might use the animal, as a Master has said: Heathens prefer the cattle of Israelites to their own wives “.

Surname and initials (block letters)_____;__________________________Signature ______________________________


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Why I Am a National Socialist … and Why You Should Be, too


DEMOCRACY, the harm it has done and the harm it is doing to Britain, has made me a National Socialist, bringing me to see in that system which it has opposed and defamed frantically, which rejuvenated Germany 30 years ago, the only means for saving Britain from ruination today.
In the 1930s, when I was a boy at school, our country was the head of the greatest empire the world has ever seen, containing within its bounds almost every material resource it required, virtually capable of self-sufficiency. Her natural ally was her great brother-nation of Germany. Together they would have been invincible: no power, Communist or Coloured, could have jeopardized them. United in peace, Britain, applying herself to the betterment of her people, could have achieved a fabulous prosperity, alongside the reborn Germany with its massive social and economic achevements.
Instead, our democratic politicians, responsive to Jewish pressure, fulminated against Germany, and sent us to war against her in 1939 for no adequate British reason whatsoever in the greatest act of folly in our history, and for six years British lives and resources were thrown away on a colossal scale in democracy’s mad war. This, our politicians pretended, was necessary to preserve our freedom and our heritage. Since then our freedom in its full sense, our heritage, the true interests of our nation have been monstrously betrayed by these politicians of democracy.
As a direct result of the war, in which democratic Britain allied herself to the Soviet Union against anti-Communist Germany, Communism took over Eastern Europe and became the menace it is today to Britain and the rest of Western Europe.
Our empire, the monumental creation of our forefathers for our power and prosperity, has been given up piece by piece, and, as the final degradation, we have the spectacle of our our present misrulers striving to force our White kinsfolk in Rhodesia to submit to Black domination. Britain has relinquished her headship of empire and her national sovereignty for membership of and subordination to the cosmopolitan United Nations Organization, dominated by the Afro-Asian element, and devoted to the concepts of racial equality and racial mixture inimical to the security of the White people of Britian and elsewhere.
While democratic Britain has been increasingly subjected to alien influences on the outside, internally the years since the war have seen the massive increase of Jewish influence over the economic, cultural and political life of the country, despite the fact that Jews have acquired a state of their own, Israel, during this period. At the same time as the upholders of democracy have countenanced this usurpation as a matter of principle, the have allowed, encouraged and promoted the invasion of Britain by Coloured immigrants to the extent of now over a million, and with every sign of continuing indefinately as an essential expression of democracy, which stands for racial amalgamation and firmly against any idea of preserving this land for its White, Anglo-Saxon stock to whom it truly belongs.
This progressive takerover of Britain has proceeded in the general atmosphere of decadence which is the result and practice of democratic thought. Our children, given no inspiring patriotic ideals and disciplined training in service to the nation while at school, leave school in the majority of cases to drift aimlessly, succumbing to the degeneracy of “pop” and jazz music, pep pills, and the habits of the beatnik; and expressing their frustrations in vandalism and hooligaism. The adult population, ceaselessly bombarded with the sentiments of race mixture and egoistic materialism from the press, radio and TV, has largely developed an attitude of servile acceptance to the growing influx and ascendancy of the alien, and an indifference to the nation as whole and its future. THE REVOLT AGAINST DEMOCRACY
This is what democracy has done to Britain, and in revolt against it all, I am a National Socialist. I believe that, if there is anything worth fighing for, it is to preserve my own race in possession and control of my homeland, and to see that our resources of all kinds are used to the full betterment of our own nation. That belief is the very basis of National Socialism. It inspired the great revolt in Germany in the 1930s which raised a beaten, demoralised and impoverished nation to a splendour of united idealism and national achievement never before known, yet misrepresented by the lie machines of democracy on a scale unprecedented in history. Only the same belief in our race and nation, the same awareness of the need for a whole change of system and a new way of life in pursuit of that belief, and the same iron determination to fight to victory regardless of the opposition, can save Britain from the slow death which is democracy, and make her great again and greater than before.
If you see things as I do, and I believe as I do, then you are at heart a National Socialist also, and, if you are, it is your duty to declare yourself, and come forward and take your place in the Battle for Britain

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Gothic Ripples 41


Persecution of an Old Campaigner

Colin Jordan



Race hate case is halted

THE former leader of the extreme right-wing British Movement, Colin Jordan, has succeeded in halting a court case against him on charges of inciting racial hatred.

A judge at Leeds Crown Court ruled that Jordan, 78, of Greenhow Hill, Pateley Bridge, was unfit to stand trial because of a serious heart condition.

However, the Recorder of Leeds, Norman Jones QC, said the ruling would continue providing Jordan did not improve to a condition where he was no longer medically unfit, or “engage in any activity either political, social or personal, that demonstrates to the satisfaction of a court that he is able to stand trial, irrespective of his medical condition.”

Jordan said he may appeal over the conditions.

He faces 11 charges of the publication or distribution of written material which was threatening, abusive or insulting and was either intended to or likely to stir up racial hatred.

A co-accused, Anthony. Hancock, 54, of Hove, Sussex, faces two charges of aiding and abetting Jordan by printing the material.

Leeds Crown Court Case T 2000 1984

R. v. J. C. C. Jordan and A. J. S. Hancock


At the hearing on 23 November, 2001, Judge N. Jones laid down two decisions which the Defendant is going to challenge by way of an Application to the High Court of Justice in London, Queens Bench Division, for a Judicial Review, as he gave notice at the hearing he would be doing.

Those two decisions are as follows:-

(1) The second of two conditions the Judge imposed in promulgating a stay of prosecution of the Defendant in the light of the reports from three cardiac consultants that the Defendant is definitely unfit for trial; this second condition laying down that he is not to engage in political or other activity that a court could reckon to demonstrate that he has become fit for trial, a condition which has been reported by both the Yorkshire Post and the Yorkshire Evening Post of Saturday, 24 November, 2001, and which the Defendant holds to be equivalent to a suspended sentence for the rest of his life, detached from and by-passing and obviating professional medical opinion, vesting courts with a power to act without recourse to a doctor or medical consultant. As the Defendant immediately told the Judge in court as soon as he imposed this condition, he, the Defendant, would not at any time in any court in the land accept such a purely political imposition. Such an imposition is tantamount to an act of surveillance, censorship and prohibition conflicting with the purpose of the Human Rights Act of the U.K. under Article 6 of which the Judge has been obliged to stay the prosecution in consequence of the Defendant’s submission in this precise respect.

(2) The evasion, and thereby in effect the rejection of the Defendant’s Application of 18 October, 2001, for the court to censure the seizure of and order the immediate return to the Defendant of ‘Special Procedure Material’ (‘Journalistic Material’) in excess of 790 items unlawfully seized without the requisite authority of a circuit judge in disregard of the-Police & Criminal Evidence Act 1984. The court had been reminded of this outstanding Application by a ‘Final Submission’ from the Defendant of 20 November, 2001, just before the hearing on 23 November. Yet at that hearing the Judge held the matter over, unresolved, till next April, four months ahead, when a co-defendant may be put on trial, accepting the spurious argument from the Crown Prosecution Service that the material might be required for that other trial, whereas, if the ‘Special Procedure Material’ was illegally seized, it should clearly not be retained for any possible future use – and with such use at least most unlikely if not utterly unimaginable. Therefore it can but seem that the Judge’s treatment of the Application is a wrongful attempt to evade the issue of the Application. The Defendant insists that this property Application can be and needs to be dealt with and decided now without months of further delay, the Defendant having already been deprived of the material in question, needed for his work as a journalist, for three years and four months.

The Application form for Judicial Review, N 461, issued by the Administrative Court in London, specifies as one of the documents required in support of an Application: ‘Where the claim for judicial review relates to a decision of a court or tribunal, an approved copy of the reasons for reaching that decision.’

Thus the Defendant here requests and requires Judge N. Jones now to arrange the issue to the Defendant of a written record of his rulings in the above two respects, certified by affixture of the court stamp. He does so having understood from having spoken to a clerk of the court after the termination of the hearing that a written record of judgement is not provided without an approved application.

26 November, 2001


J. C. C. Jordan


Copy:- Administrative Court, Royal Courts of Justice, Strand, London, WC2A 2LL


‘When I went to court on 25 October, it was to find that the judge was ill, and the hearing postponed till 23 November, at which time these preliminary hearings will have been going on for almost a year, and the whole business for well over three years since the first police raid on 4 August 1998. On 23 November I expect a decision as to whether they intend to persist in the prosecution and stage a trial, despite the medical evidence of three consultants to the effect that because of my heart condition I am unfit for a trial estimated to take up to a month, or discontinue proceedings. They are sitting on a submission of mine of months ago that to put me on trial would be a violation of Article 6 of the UK Human Rights Act requiring a fair trial which cannot come about if the Defendant is unfit to conduct his own case.

‘The CPS has recently asked the Attorney General if he will issue a warrant of Nolle Prosequi terminating the prosecution but he – the Jew Lord Goldsmith – has responded that the continuation of the prosecution is “in the public interest”.’

1 November, 2001

From Gothic Ripples, September 2001:

“THE CASE CONTINUES. The 4th preliminary hearing at Leeds Crown Court in the prosecution against me took place on 11 May, concerned with my medical condition. At it the Crown Prosecution Service produced a cardiac consultant of their own arrangement who had examined me and reported me to be currently unfit for trial, but proposed various treatments which might render me fit. Under cross-examination by me he admitted they involved the possibility of harmful side-effects. The judge thereupon ruled there should be a further hearing on 3 September to consider a further report to be required from my own consultant. Shortly afterwards I sent in a report from another consultant I engaged, a Dr Boyle, who said like my first one, Dr Williams, that I am unfit and expected to remain so. On 3 September the awaited further report from Dr Williams had not yet reached the court which thereupon fixed yet another hearing for 4 October to consider it.”


HEARING AT 2pm AT LEEDS CROWN COURT 11th MAY 2001: Colin Jordan challenged for a Stay of Trial on health grounds. After a 45-minute summing up the judge ordered the proceedings to continue but with further medical reports of Jordan’s heart condition in August. “The Attorney General is adamant that the trial goes ahead.”

Jordan is to apply for a Judicial Review under Article 6 of the Human Rights legislation in regard of his fitness to endure the expected 30-day trial.


TRIAL POSTPONED in pursuit of medical reports

The trial in the case of R. versus Jordan & Hancock (the ‘R’ stylised as standing for ‘Regina’ – the Queen – but more appropriately standing for ‘Renegades’) was originally set to start on 7 March 2001, then put back to 12 March, and has now been put back till 3 September in pursuit of medical reports. The case number, recalling George Orwell’s book, is appropriately T2000 1984. We have indeed nowadays Orwellian thought control.

Continuing the story, at another preliminary hearing at Leeds Crown Court on 27 February I presented – in relation to a submission under Article 6 (1) of the UK Human Rights Act, of denial of a fair trial because of medical unfitness – an interim report from a cardiac specialist, Dr Gordon Williams, indicating unfitness due to congestive heart failure. The judge thereupon called for a final report from this specialist to be obtained for a further preliminary hearing on 14 March. At that hearing the specialist’s final report definitely pronounced me unfit for a trial the court has estimated will last a month, where I would be preparing and conducting my own case, and with a long journey to and from the court each day.

There and then the Crown Prosecution Service demanded a second opinion, presenting a list of specialists of its choosing. I challenged this choosing by an adversary in the case, and the Judge adjourned proceedings while he went off to try and telephone my specialist as to what he had to say about those choices. After about an hour he returned to say that Dr Williams had not spoken against the CPS choices, but had suggested another one on which the judge and I agreed as first choice.

The judge then withdrew, leaving the CPS to draft the letter to the agreed Dr Stoker, requiring my signature of sanction. There was then a heated argument between the two CPS barristers present and myself as to the wording of the letter, the CPS craftily trying to so word the question of fitness as to give no indication of the length of the trial, the fact of preparing and conducting the case without legal services, and the fact of the daily travel, all three of these factors obviously needing to be put before the specialist for him to give a relevant opinion. I refused to sign a waiver of medical confidentiality in this respect and required the judge to be recalled to resolve the matter. He came back and I got my way, so the letter was revised to my satisfaction. Since then the guileful CPS has held back from sending the letter to Dr Stoker on some excuse of waiting to see if medication improves my condition, whereas Dr Williams has clearly said that it can only ‘contain’ that condition, not cure it. I have therefore told both the court and the CPS that unless the letter goes to Dr Stoker by 5 April I will withdraw my necessary sanction for it. Thus the state of play at the moment. There is yet another preliminary hearing set for 14 May.

Earlier was reported the two Judicial Reviews applied for. Both of them have been refused. Also the formal complaint of an offence under the Genocide Act by the person known as ‘Jack Straw’, this surname it may be presumed having been adopted in keeping with the common Jewish practice amounting to false pretences. The complaint was sent to the Officer-in-Charge of Harrogate Police Station at the beginning of December last, and ignored as have been two succeeding letters concerning it. The matter of this dereliction of duty is now being put before the Police Complaints Authority, although I am aware that this resolves into the police judging themselves.

From Gothic Ripples No 43, May 2001

At the Pleas and Directions hearing on the 14th March, Colin Jordan’s quite favourable medical report was not accepted by the judge. There is now to be another Pleas and Directions hearing on the 14 May, by which time another medical report – by a court-appointed physician – will have been obtained. If the trial goes ahead, it could be around October or November. It is expected to last 3 – 4 weeks.

Tony Hancock, who is Jordan’s co-defendant, accused of “aiding and abetting” by committing the heinous crime of printing his material (probably the first case in British history of a printer being prosecuted for what he prints), applied to be excused attendance at the next Pleas and Directions hearing on the grounds that he had to travel hundreds of miles to hear matters which did not concern him. The judge, who was very antagonistic, refused.

On 27 February Colin Jordan made five submissions under the Human Rights legislation and requested that the trial be transferred back to York Crown Court. All his applications were rejected. He now faces commuting a long distance to court every day for the trial.



In Blair’s Britain ‘democracy’ is a fraud whereby the parasitic and renegade politicians – the gang ruining Britain by policies and practices amounting to genocide, and prosecuting Colin Jordan for exposing this – pretend that the ordinary people decide matters whereas they and their masters behind the scenes do that.

As part of the fraud, Blair has brought in a Human Rights Act prominently advertised for example in the London Daily Telegraph on 30 September, 2000, three days before it came into force.

Experience told me to suspect that it would never work for racial patriots, but this had to be proved by putting it to the test, so three days after it came into force I put in an application at Harrogate County Court accusing Harrogate Magistrates Court, the North Yorkshire Police and the Crown Prosecution Service of violating Article 6, laying down trial ‘within a reasonable time’, by delaying it for over two years; Article 8, purporting to protect one’s correspondence, whereas mine has been seized indiscriminately and in bulk in police raids; and Article 10 which gives everyone the right of freedom of expression, whereas I have been raided and am being prosecuted for exercising that right.

I put in my application having beforehand been assured by the County Court office that, if I set my claim as not exceeding £5,000 damages – which I did – this would put me in the ‘small claims’ category which excludes the cost of professional legal services as either an award, if you are successful, or an imposition, if you fail. I even double-checked the information later at the same court office.

The case came up in court on 15 December, 2000. Conducting my own case, it was apparent to me from the start that Circuit Judge Cockcroft was prejudiced against me for who I am in a political case. He beamed amiability at the barrister for the other side, one of the monstrously overpaid legal brotherhood set above ordinary mortals by his fancy dress and wig, graciously allowing all his interventions while treating me with stern brusqueness. He lost no time in declaring that I had not sufficiently ‘particularised’ my allegations, though I had, beyond the restricted space the claim form allowed me, elaborated the details in two written responses to documents from the other side which I had sent to both the court and the other side before the hearing. Concluding the proceedings, he completely rejected my claim as I had expected from his demeanour, and then, to my surprise in view of the court office’s information to the contrary, declared that costs should be imposed on me, the assessment of which is to be made after the conclusion of the trial.

I protested, citing the information twice given me by the court office, and drew attention to the fact in support of this that in both my above-mentioned written responses I had before the hearing repelled claims of costs from the other side by citing the court office information, but this to no avail with the hostile judge who, when at the last moment I enquired as to an avenue of appeal against the imposition, curtly told me ‘You’ve had an appeal – to me!’

The total of costs claimed by the Defendants, who are agents of the persecution of patriots in the service of genocide, is £11,440.20. This is my punishment – part of the conspiracy to silence me – for having the temerity to try to make the Human Rights Act work for our sort of people. Since my modest means would not allow such a payment, even if I was prepared to make it, they will by way of Judge Cockcroft either have to render me bankrupt or consign me to prison for non-payment. Such is the cost of claiming your rights under Blair’s fraudulent Human Rights Act!

‘Democracy is Death’

‘The British National Party is besotted with the belief that, having taken on its new look under the trimmers who have come to power, its current election results – such as the 2.73% in the Greater London Authority election in May, 2000 – show that it is making such progress that in the fullness of time it will get to power by the ballot box. This is sheer illusion. On the contrary, in the fullness of time the coloured electorate is bound so to increase by virtue of present and continuing immigration and the coloured birthrate that, added to the hostile white electorate, it is inconceivable that the BNP can get enough votes to win enough parliamentary seats at Westminster to form a government; even assuming that the old parties of “Democracy” allow it to operate to the point of being any real danger, which is virtually inconceivable also. The crucial fact is that however much the BNP vote may increase, at least for the present, the coloured vote is bound to increase in the future more rapidly, and within the context that coloureds are set eventually to become not so far into this century a majority of Britain’s population. Thus the BNP is putting all its effort into pursuing a hopeless and wasteful illusion.’

Colin Jordan, who is next in line for the Race Act “chopping block”


My Human Rights Act case came up at Harrogate County Court on 15 December. The judge, with most specious arguments did as I expected and downed the case, but I considered it desirable to put the Act to the test, and can now say with experience that it is a confidence trick, a window-dressing act and no more.

In the prosecution against me, the ‘Pleas and Directions’ preliminary hearing took place at Leeds Crown Court on 11 and 12 December. My submission for a return of the case to York Crown Court (from which it had been transferred to Leeds Crown Court) was rejected. My submission regarding inadmissible evidence was held over, as was my application for a witness summons to Jack Straw, till a continuation hearing on 27 February, and the trial date was set for 7 March. On the issue of ‘abuse of process’ the judge asked if I was willing to waive medical confidentiality so that an enquiry could go from the court to two consultants and my GP as to my fitness or unfitness to stand trial, and I agreed to this. The three medical people are required to send their reports to the court by 1 February.

All this and other news of my case will be put in a new issue of Gothic Ripples which I hope to manage to produce by early January.

Colin Jordan
21 December 2000

Press Statement


In response to his committal on 2 November at Harrogate Magistrates Court to York Crown Court for trial concerning literature he produced alleged to stir up ‘racial hatred’, Colin Jordan has launched five forms of counter-attack.

  1. An application to High Court in London for a Judicial Review respecting ‘abuse of process’ involved in the North Yorkshire Police taking 2¼ years to bring the case to committal.
  2. Another application for a Judicial Review respecting the continuing retention by the Police after 2¼ years of some 9,000 items of his property beyond that legitimately held as prosecution exhibits.
  3. An application to County Court citing violation by Harrogate Magistrates Court, the North Yorkshire Police and the Crown Prosecution Service of three of the declared rights in the new human Rights Act of the U.K., namely freedom of expression, respect for his correspondence, and the right to trial without inordinate delay.
  4. An application to the Attorney General for his requisite consent for a private prosecution against the publishers and distributors of the Jewish ‘Talmud’ as containing material which stirs up racial hatred against non-Jews, the Police having refused to prosecute themselves.
  5. A formal complaint to the Police against Home Secretary Jack Straw, accusing him of an offence under the Genocide Act, and calling for his prosecution. (Copy of complaint here attached)

3 December, 2000


Colin Jordan
Greenhow Hill
Harrogate HG3 5JQ

General version of this document for printing

The Officer in Charge
North Yorkshire Police
Harrogate Police Station
North Park Road
Harrogate, HG1 5PJ


By a person known as ‘JACK STRAW’ (Original family surname unknown) his present business address being The Home Office, Queen Anne’s Gate, London SW1H 9AT

Statutory Authority:- The Genocide Act 1969 lays down that a person commits an offence of genocide if he commits any act falling within the definition of ‘genocide’ in Article II of the Genocide Convention as set out in the Schedule of the Act.

Article II says:- ‘In the present Convention, genocide means any of the following acts with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group as such; (c) deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or part.’

Details of Relevant Offence:- In his capacity of Home Secretary this man has been a principal party to measures the ultimate consequence of which is the destruction in whole or in part of a national and racial entity: namely the indigenous Anglo-Saxon and Celtic folk of the United Kingdom. On the legal principle of mens rea, he can be presumed to have intended this ultimate consequence.

In this he has been a principal party to the entry of and continued presence of a huge number of persons of Afro-Asian origin, amounting to a Coloured Invasion, regardless of the many times expressed opposition of the authentic British people, and thus conflicting with his professed adherence to ‘democracy’. As part of this he has failed in a Home Secretary’s duty to round up and remove a massive number of illegal immigrants, including bogus asylum seekers who have absconded; doing so as an illegal immigrant himself in terms of the still extant law of 1290 permanently expelling Jews from England, and his own Jewish ancestry.

He has been a principal party to measures to persuade or compel the integration of the native population with the Afro-Asian immigrants, promoting familiarisation and intimate association with the latter, at a colossal cost and with colossal subsidisation of them at the expense of the native taxpayer, and with the elevation of them to a privileged and protected position.

He has used legislation for the benefit of the Jewish and Afro-Asian newcomers to deprive Englishmen of their ancient freedom of speech, persecuting them with a political Thought Police raiding their homes and seizing their property, followed by fines and imprisonment, if they speak out for a Britain for the British. Currently he is behind a prosecution to put 77-year-old Colin Jordan behind bars for speaking out against him and his genocidal practices.

He has done all this knowing that, as recent statistical studies have shown (reported for instance in The Observer 3/9/2000), the Afro-Asians will by their far higher birthrate and their continuing influx come shortly to outnumber our own people and be the dominant majority in the course of this century.

Thus this man’s actions and policy as a whole amounts to nothing less than wilful genocide in the terms of Section (c) of Article II of the Genocide Act. I am fully prepared to witness to this against this man and his offence in any court in the land at any time.

3 December, 2000


Colin Jordan
Greenhow Hill
Harrogate HG3 5JQ

R. (Renegades) v. JORDAN Committal Proceedings Disrupted by Submission

After many months of suspense, the renegades of repression finally moved to prosecute Colin Jordan. On 19 April, 2000, the North Yorkshire Police charged me in respect of the following 11 items of my literature:- Gothic Ripples Nos. 28/29, 32, 33/34, 36, 37 and 38; the booklet ‘Merrie England 2000; the leaflets ‘Election Special’, ‘Only a Change of Management in a Regime of Ruin’. ‘Jack Straw’s Jewish Justice’ and ‘Our Stephen Lawrence Report’. I replied: ‘I reject these charges as the material referred to is not an offence in terms of the relevant sections of the Act in question. Furthermore I reject the Act in question as illicit, being an offence against our ancient freedom of speech and the European Convention on Human Rights now embodied in this country’s Human Rights Act.

The following day a postponement of the case till 6 July, to permit previously made arrangements, was granted. The day before that date the court informed the Defendant that the hearing was put off (not at his request) till 3 August. Meanwhile the Crown Prosecution Service had delivered to me case documents extending to some 3,000 pages and weighing around 50 kgs. More recently the CPS has sent me another box with a further 1152 pages of documentation.

So cam 3 August at Harrogate Magistrates Court. The Defendant took his seat and immediately placed upright in front of him in full view of magistrates, press and Prosecution personnel a large filing box which had held his papers and to which he had selotaped front and back, covering the whole expanse of the box, a reproduction of the wartime government poster ‘FREEDOM IS IN PERIL DEFEND IT WITH ALL YOUR MIGHT’. The magistrates and their clerk shrank from demanding the removal of this prop of propaganda.

He then seized the initiative with a number of prior submissions, including an application for reporting restrictions to be lifted (granted) and that the CPS be obliged to supply copies of certain missing documents as legally obliged, and a submission that there had been ‘abuse of process’ meaning inordinate delay in bringing the case to prosecution – 2 years since the initiating raid on 4 August, 1998 – which had prejudiced the Defendant’s chance of a fair trial.

Since such a submission entitled the Defendant to present evidence, it provided the opportunity to go into all the details of the case so far, and to relate it, as a record of police revenge, to the previous search and seizure in 1991, instigated by Jewish MP Gerald Kaufman. Then the police used an invalid because outdated warrant, and the then Attorney General, the government-appointed highest law officer in the country, overlooked the illegality by sanctioning a prosecution, which had to be stopped and the seized property returned when Colin Jordan secured at High Court in London leave for a judicial review, and a few days before which the Chief Constable of North Yorkshire wrote to the High Court admitting the raid had been illegal and pledging that the prosecution would be abandoned. He had to pay £10,000 damages and £4,000 costs.

The malicious North Yorkshire Police resolved on revenge, and executed it on 4 August, 2000, initiating the present case. They seized indiscriminately in bulk, and regardless of protected ‘special procedure material’ requiring a judge’s order for seizure, this contrary to the Police & Criminal Evidence Act 1984, and condemned by the judges in the recent High Court case of R. v. Chesterfield Justices & The Chief Constable of Derbyshire. Not content with this measure of revenge, they went further and on 31 March, 1999, arrested me wile out shopping, so as to avoid having to procure a warrant to ransack my home yet again, this time in my absence in a police cell, and take more of my property.

Complaints to the Police Complaints Authority have been shelved and not acted on.

After waiting in suspense for 18 months, I applied on 22 February, 2000, for the return of property not relevant to and required for prosecution, this under the Police (Property) Act 1897. Dealing with it, the Deputy Clerk at Harrogate Magistrates Court liaised with and deferred to the police, sidetracking my application for 6 months. (Only now, as a result of disclosures in my submission of abuse of process, have the police been required to return shortly all irrelevant and unneeded property.)

Within the two years I have been kept in suspense, there have been for 16 months of this repeated renewals of police bail related to repeated requirements for police station attendance; all of this to hamper and harass and maintain tension.

The resulting stress has had its effect, I submitted, on my health in my old age, worsening my osteoarthritis and my heart condition of atrial fibrillation, and thereby reducing my ability to conduct my case. Thus there has indeed been in respect of the inordinate delay and other aspects of the conduct of the police and the other authorities an abuse of process requiring a dismissal of the case.

The magistrates, after withdrawing to consider, turned down this submission which nevertheless was thoroughly worth putting as a means of managing to express my denunciation of the authorities, despite at an early stage some attempt by the Clerk to shut me up which I overrode as I was entitled. The value of the move is well proved by the press publicity obtained, with reports in the Yorkshire press appearing with headlines such as ‘”Police raided home to get revenge” claim’.

What I had to say monopolised the proceedings till about midday, when the CPS person got up to say there was insufficient time left for the committal proceedings that day, and to request an adjournment. In the outcome of some argument, the case was put back till 1 November, probably continuing on 2 November.

So far it could seem that it is the revengers and renegades who are on trial!

From Gothic Ripples No 41, August 2000


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